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Links
Introduction
Economic theory is obviously an extensive field, so my
intention on this page is not to survey it, but to highlight some of
the books, chapters and papers I've found most useful in wading through
it. I
haven't listed the standard graduate texts because they're, well,
standard, and they will be either familiar or easily discovered. I have
tried instead to list resources and to provide interesting quotes from
sources that standard courses might miss.
The economics profession is frequently criticised by non-economists -
often (but not always) with good reason. But my overall impression is
that
while there have been plenty of criticisms of economics from outside
the discipline, they are not nearly as powerful as those generated from
within the discipline itself. Scattered throughout the economic
literature
over more than 110 years are hundreds of papers published in the top
mainstream economics journals which critique different aspects of the
dominant Walrasian / neoclassical / general-equilibrium framework.
Together they amount to a comprehensive rebuttal of any simplistic
notion that either standard textbook neoclassical
theory, or the policy models based on it, give an adequate account of
real-world complex economic systems.
The scope and power of the critique from within the economics
discipline is
both encouraging and frustrating. It is encouraging to realise that so
many of the top economists have been fully
aware of the very substantial limitations of much economic theory.
Economics is certainly not the moribund, dismal field it is often made
out to be - it is alive with dissent, self-criticism and innovation.
But it is also frustrating that so little of that nuanced
humility (not a humility universally shared by
all top economists
I might add),
filters down to the textbooks, and still less to many of the models
used for policy analysis, where real people's livelihoods and lives are
at stake. By the time it reaches the market fundamentalist hacks who
staff so many of the right-wing think tanks, the last dregs of that
humility have disappeared altogether. Blissfully unaware of how the top
economists have wrestled with the immense complexity of our economic
system, the hacks inhabit a world untroubled by complexity, nuance or
shades of grey: Whatever the question, 'the Market' is their answer.
Spurred on by the simplistic models they remember from Econ 101, in
which governments do not exist, and yet contracts are costlessly
enforced, market power is absent, information is costless and perfect,
and tax is always and only a 'burden', they yearn for government to
just get smaller and get out of the way.
Meanwhile, back on Earth, real-world economics is complex. Properly
functioning markets don't exist without legal, political and social
underpinnings. If only it were taught that way. Personally, I think
we'd all be far
better off if undergrad economics was taught primarily through detailed
case-studies and taxonomies of real-world markets, institutions and
economic
systems, and general theories were built up from there. Leave the
modelling for later, when the more advanced students
have the tools to model complex systems properly. Skip most of the
simplistic models. Most undergrad/college students never get beyond
them and as a result they are having a catastrophic effect on public
economics
education and public policy debate. So many economics students seem to
end up
only studying (and believing) the models rather than real-world
economies.
There also seems to be a widespread view in parts of the profession and
among many students, that pretty much everything we need to know from
the
past has already been incorporated into modern textbooks. It's very
similar to the view that that all the important past information on a
stock is reflected in its current price. Don't believe it. There is
plenty of gold in some
of the older books and papers that is not so readily mathematised and
which, as a result, has been forgotten by many modern textbooks. That's
why several of the books and papers listed below are decades old.
I still find it amazing that so much of the material below, mostly from
the mainstream economic literature, seems to be so little reflected in
modern economics education and the views of many policy economists.
Maybe my impressions are wrong. I hope so. But maybe not. In a survey
of top US grad school students conducted over 2001-2003 by
David Colander, 51% of students thought that having a thorough
knowledge of the economy was ‘unimportant’ for success in economics,
and only 11% thought that having a broad knowledge of the economics
literature was ‘very important’*. Either these students are right, in
which case I worry about the profession, or they're wrong, in which
case I worry about the economics education system that would lead them
to hold
those views.
Still, I am optimistic overall. Over the last 30 years there has been a
gradual but widespread awakening among top economists to the enormous
theoretical and practical challenges involved in understanding
economies as
complex
systems,
and a moving away from simplistic toy models that rely on single
representative agents, perfect competition, complete markets, aggregate
capital and production functions, perfect information, and so on. Now
we just need the policy models to catch up, and for that more nuanced
understanding of how economies work to filter into public policy
debates. The public policy challenges we are facing are enormous,
particularly in the areas
of
climate change,
economic development
and
energy so
this needs to happen as
quickly as possible. Time is short. My personal view is that
agent-based models
offer the
most viable framework for simultaneously incorporating the theoretical
advances made over the past 30 years. But whatever framework we choose,
the models used to guide public policy need to take into account
simultaneously the
theoretical
advances and challenges highlighted below.
* Colander, D., (2005) "The
Making of an Economist Redux", Journal
of Economic Perspectives,
Vol. 19, No. 1, Winter, pp. 175-198; p. 181
Books
Papers & Chapters
Quotes
Topics
Links
Back
to
Top
Books
Arthur, W.B., Durlauf, S.N. and Lane, D.A. (Eds.), (1997) The Economy as an Evolving
Complex System
II, Santa Fe Institute Studies in the Sciences of
Complexity;
Westview Press, Boulder, xiii + 583 pp.
Auyang, S.Y., (1998) Foundations
of
Complex System Theories: In Economics, Evolutionary Biology and
Statistical Physics, Cambridge University Press,
Cambridge, New
York, Melbourne & Madrid, xii + 404 pp.
Batten, D.F., (2000) Discovering Artificial
Economics: How
Agents Learn and Economies Evolve, Westview
Press, Boulder
and Oxford, xxi + 314 pp.
Colander, D. (Ed.) (1996) Beyond
Microfoundations: Post Walrasian Macroeconomics, Cambridge
University Press, Cambridge & New York, xiii + 266 pp.
Colander, D. (Ed.) (2006) Post
Walrasian Macroeconomics: Beyond the Dynamic Stochastic General
Equilibrium Model, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge,
xxi +
416 pp.
Colander, D., Holt, R.P.F. and Rosser, J.B., Jr., (2004) The Changing Face of Economics:
Conversations with Cutting Edge Economists, University of
Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, x + 358 pp.
Commons, J.R., (1924) Legal
Foundations of Capitalism, Transaction Publishers reprint,
1995,
New Brunswick, NJ; Originally published by Macmillan, xxxvi+394 pp.
Commons, J.R., (1934) Institutional
Economics: Its Place in Political Economy, 2 vols;
Transaction
Publishers reprint, 1990, New Brunswick, NJ; Originally published by
Macmillan, xxxvii + 921 pp.
Das, S., (2008) Traders,
Guns &
Money: Knowns and Unknowns in the Dazzling World of Derivatives,
Financial Times Prentice Hall, Harlow, UK, xiv + 334 pp.
DeCanio, S.J., (2003) Economic
Models of Climate Change: A Critique, Palgrave Macmillan,
New
York & Houndmills, Basingstoke, UK, xiii + 203 pp.
[I cannot recommend this book highly enough. DeCanio displays a deep
understanding of the complexities of economic theory and of the
limitations of models built upon that body of theory. Anyone involved
in climate policy or even general economic policy should read it and
absorb its lessons.]
Dopfer, K. (Ed.) (2005) The
Evolutionary Foundations of Economics, Cambridge
University
Press, Cambridge, xiii + 577 pp.
Fisher, F.M., (1983) Disequilibrium
Foundations of Equilibrium Economics, Cambridge University
Press, Cambridge & New York, xi + 236 pp.
Forni, M. and Lippi, M., (1997) Aggregation
and the Microfoundations of Dynamic Macroeconomics, Oxford
University Press, Oxford, xvii + 235 pp.
Fullbrook, E. (Ed.) (2004) A
Guide
to What's Wrong with Economics, Anthem Press, London, vii
+
323 pp.
Harcourt, G.C., (1972) Some
Cambridge Controversies in the Theory of Capital,
Cambridge
University Press, Cambridge, x + 272 pp.
Hartley, J.E., (1997) The
Representative Agent in Macroeconomics, Routledge, London
&
New York, x + 229 pp.
Hodgson, G.M., (2001) How
Economics
Forgot History: The Problem of Historical Specificity in Social Science,
Routledge, London & New York, xix + 422 pp.
Ingrao, B. and Israel, G., (1990) The
Invisible Hand: Economic Equilibrium in the History of Science,
trans. McGilvray, I.; MIT Press, Cambridge, MA & London, xiii +
491
pp. [Shows clearly what assumptions need to hold true for the invisible
hand to work as it's supposed to.]
Keen, S., (2001) Debunking
Economics: The Naked Emperor of the Social Sciences, Pluto
Press, Annandale, NSW, xvi + 335 pp.
Keynes, J.M., (1936) The
General
Theory of Employment, Interest and Money, 1973 Edition;
The
Collected Writings of John Maynard Keynes, Vol. VII; Macmillan Press
for the Royal Economic Society, London, xxxv + 428 pp.
Knight, F.H., (1921) Risk,
Uncertainty and Profit, Reprinted 2002 by Board Books,
Washington DC; Originally published by Hart, Schaffner & Marx,
lxvi
+ 381 pp.
Leijonhufvud, A., (1968) On
Keynesian Economics and the Economics of Keynes, Oxford
University Press, New York & London, xiv + 431 pp.
Lindert, P., (2004) Growing
Public:
Social Spending and Economic Growth Since the Eighteenth Century,
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid,
Cape Town, Vol. 1, xvii + 377 pp.
List, F., (1856) The
National System
of Political Economy, trans. from the German by G. A.
Matile.
Including the notes of the French translation by Henri Richelot. With a
preliminary essay and notes by Stephen Colwell; JB Lippincott &
Co., Philadelphia, v-lxxxiv + 61-497 pp.
McCloskey, D.N., (2000) How
to be
Human* *Though an Economist, University of Michigan Press,
Ann
Arbor, 287 pp.
McMillan, J., (2002) Reinventing
the
Bazaar: A Natural History of Markets, W.W. Norton
& Co., New
York, x + 278 pp.
Metcalfe, J.S. and Foster, J. (Eds.), (2004) Evolution and Economic Complexity,
Edward Elgar, Cheltenham, UK & Northampton, MA, xix +
227 pp.
Minsky, H.P., (1982) Can
"It" Happen Again? Essays on
Instability and Finance, ME Sharpe, New York, xxiv + 301
pp.
Minsky, H.P., (1986) Stabilizing
an
Unstable Economy, Yale University Press, New Haven, CN,
xiv +
353 pp.
Mirowski, P., (1989) More
Heat than
Light: Economics as Social Physics: Physics as Nature's Economics,
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, New York & Melbourne,
xii +
450 pp.
Mirowski, P., (2002) Machine
Dreams:
Economics Becomes a Cyborg Science, Cambridge University
Press,
Cambridge, New York & Melbourne, xiv + 655 pp.
Nelson, R.R. and Winter, S.G., (1982) An
Evolutionary Theory of Economic Change, Belknap Press of
Harvard
University Press, Cambridge MA, xi + 437 pp.
Ormerod, P., (1994) The
Death of
Economics, Faber & Faber Ltd., London, x + 230 pp.
Ormerod, P., (1998) Butterfly
Economics, Faber & Faber Ltd., London, xv + 217 pp.
Potts, J., (2000) The
New
Evolutionary Microeconomics: Complexity, Competence and Adaptive
Behaviour, New Horizons in Institutional and Evolutionary
Economics; Edward Elgar, Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA, xii + 239
pp.
Schumpeter, J.A., (1934) The
Theory
of Economic Development: An Enquiry into Profits, Capital, Credit,
Interest and the Business Cycle, Transaction Publishers
reprint,
1983, New Brunswick NJ & London; originally published by
Harvard
University Press, trans. from the 2nd German edition of 1926 by Redvers
Opie, lxiv + 255 pp.
Schumpeter, J.A., (1950) Capitalism,
Socialism and Democracy, 3rd Edition; Harper, New York,
xiv +
431 pp.
Steedman, I., (2001) Consumption
Takes Time: Implications for Economic Theory, Graz
Schumpeter
Lectures, 4; Routledge, London, 184 pp.
Tesfatsion, L. and Judd, K.L. (Eds.), (2006) Handbook of Computational
Economics, Vol.
2: Agent-Based Computational Economics, North-Holland,
Amsterdam, Boston & London, xxx + pp. 829-1660 pp.
Velupillai, K.V., (2000) Computable
Economics, The Arne Ryde Memorial Lecture Series; Oxford
University Press, Oxford and New York, xi + 222 pp.
Velupillai, K.V. (Ed.) (2005) Computability,
Complexity and Constructivity in Economic Analysis,
Blackwell,
Oxford & Malden, MA, viii + 324 pp.
Back
to
Top
Papers
& Chapters
** Highly recomended.
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** Cohen, A.J. and Harcourt, G.C., (2003) "Whatever Happened to the
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** Cohen, A.J. and Harcourt, G.C., (2005) "Capital Theory Controversy:
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Back
to Top
Quotes
General
Is economics a 'science'?
"In a subject where there is no agreed procedure for knocking out
errors, doctrines have a long life."
Joan Robinson in Robinson, J., (1962) Economic Philosophy,
Pelican
Edition, Harmondsworth, 1964, first published by C. A. Watts, London,
140 pp.
On
the
real-world robustness of the efficient-market ‘invisible-hand’ theorem
from a
Nobel-prize winning economist
"The
general
educated and interested public thinks that
economics has “proved” that “the free market is efficient”, perhaps
even the
best of all possible worlds. Not one reader in a thousand of the Wall
Street
Journal has any grasp of the qualifications without which the
theorem, as a
theorem, is simply false. That would hardly matter if the necessary
assumptions
were self-evidently true or even genuinely plausible to any open-minded
observer. They are neither. Nor do even sophisticated economists have
any real
grasp of the robustness of the theorem: I do not know of any convincing
story,
either way, about whether an economy that differs from the abstract
economy
about as much as ours does comes even close to satisfying the
conclusion of the
Invisible Hand Theorem."
Nobel Prize winning economist Robert Solow in
Solow,
R.M., (1989) "How Economic Ideas Turn to Mush", In The
Spread of Economic Ideas ed. Colander, D. and Coats, A.W.;
Cambridge
University Press, Cambridge & New York, pp. 75-83; p. 77.
The
invisible hand theorem is fragile in the
presence of market power
"When market power is present the Smithian vision of
the invisible hand is lost. Instead of the machine-like responses of
agents to
prices, the agents will find themselves engaged in a game. … Here
economists
are not agreed even what the appropriate notion of an equilibrium
should be. …
In short, there is no accepted theory of the invisible hand when the no
surplus
condition is not satisfied. One must conclude that one cannot invoke
the
classical theory of the invisible hand in dealing with economies in
which
agents have market power."
Frank
Hahn, one
of the architects of general equilibrium theory, in: Hahn, F.H., (1982)
"Reflections on the Invisible Hand", Lloyds Bank Review,
No.
144, April, pp. 1-2; p. 6.
On
the potential
trade-off between
allocation-efficiency and stabilisation-efficiency
"I accept
Henry Simon’s view that the
aim
of economic policy is not narrowly economic. The aim of policy is to
assure
that the economic prerequisites for sustaining the civil and civilized
standards of an open liberal society exist. If amplified uncertainty,
extremes
of income distribution, and social inequality attenuate the economic
underpinnings of democracy, then the market behavior that creates these
conditions should be constrained. If it is necessary to give up a bit
of market
efficiency, or a bit of aggregate income, in order to contain
democracy-threatening uncertainty, then so be it."
Hyman Minsky in Minsky, H.P., (1986) Stabilizing
an Unstable Economy, Yale University Press, New Haven, CN,
xiv +
353 pp.
On
the usefulness
of the competitive general equilibrium theory as a description of real
economies
"Early in my
career I felt it was very
important to get the competitive equilibrium theory right. … I wanted
to clear
up what the theory was, but that doesn’t mean I found it a useful
description
of the economy. As I think more about complexity theory, I become more
convinced that there is some sense in which we will never know how the
economy
operates."
Nobel
Prize winning economist Ken
Arrow
who helped develop general equilibrium theory in: Colander,
D., Holt, R.P.F. and Rosser, J.B., Jr., (2004) The Changing
Face of
Economics: Conversations with Cutting Edge Economists, University
of Michigan
Press, Ann Arbor, x + 358 pp; p. 298.
Why macroeconomics is so
difficult ...
"For some physical systems, the macrovariables are so interconnected as
to acquire their own laws, as in classical mechanics, thermodynamics,
and hydrodynamics. Most biological and social systems are too
complicated to have complete sets of macrovariables. They can be
described by some macrovariables but these variables are too sparse to
constitute laws. Even macroeconomics, which succeeds in defining many
powerful macrovariables, falls short of providing satisfactory
macroeconomic laws."
Physicist Sunny Auyang in Auyang, S.Y., (1998) Foundations
of Complex System Theories: In Economics, Evolutionary Biology and
Statistical Physics, Cambridge University Press,
Cambridge, New
York, Melbourne & Madrid, xii + 404 pp.; p. 63.
... and a Nobel Prize
winning
economist agrees
"Well, I’ve got to tell you: I’ve never really understood macro. What I
mean by this is that my idea of understanding is having a model that
captures what is going on. In macro we don’t have that; instead we have
empirical generalizations, and those generalizations tend to break down
quite quickly."
Nobel
Prize winning economist Ken
Arrow in Colander,
D., Holt, R.P.F. and Rosser, J.B., Jr., (2004) The Changing
Face of
Economics: Conversations with Cutting Edge Economists, University
of Michigan
Press, Ann Arbor, x + 358 pp; p. 301.
The subject
matter of economics
is
inherently interdisciplinary
"[T]ransaction costs depend … on the
working of the
legal system (the system of property rights, the enforcement of
property
rights, the ability to foresee what the legal decisions will be, and so
on).
They also depend on the political system, they depend on the
educational
system, and they are interrelated with other social systems. And in
consequence, economists should enlist the support of lawyers,
sociologists, anthropologists,
and others in our work in order to understand why transaction costs are
what
they actually are. It’s the opposite of economic imperialism. We should
invite
these other practitioners in these other fields into our realm to help
us in
understanding how the economic system actually operates."
Nobel
Prize
winning economist Ronald Coase in: Coase,
R.H., (2002) "Why Economics Will Change: Remarks at the University of
Missouri, Columbia, Missouri, April 4, 2002", ISNIE
Newsletter,
Vol.
4, No. 1, Summer, pp. 1, 4-7; Quote pp. 5-6.
On
the usefulness
of armchair theorising
"To
discuss and analyse how the economy works, it may be necessary to go
and look."
Frank Hahn, one of
the architects of general equilibrium theory in: Hahn, F.H., (1970)
"Some
Adjustment Problems", Econometrica, Vol. 38, No. 1,
January,
pp.
1-17; p. 1.
On
'blackboard
economics'
"What is studied is a system that lives in the minds
of economists but not on earth. I have called the result “blackboard
economics”. The firm and the market appear by name but they lack any
substance.
The firm in mainstream economic theory has often been described as a
“black
box”. And so it is. … Even more surprising, given their interest in the
pricing
system, is the neglect of the market or more specifically the
institutional
arrangements which govern the process of exchange. As these
institutional
arrangements determine to a large extent what is produced, what we have
is a
very incomplete theory."
Nobel Prize winning
economist Ronald
Coase in: Coase,
R.H., (1992)
"The Institutional Structure of Production", American
Economic
Review, Vol. 82, No. 4, September, pp. 713-719.
On
the need to
study institutional arrangements to develop sound theory
"The
theory of saving and
the
rate of interest can – or at any rate should – never be independent of
the
state of development of financial institutions."
Economist Victoria Chick in: Chick, V., (1986)
"The Evolution of the Banking System and the Theory of Saving,
Investment
and Interest", Economies et Sociétés, Série
Monnaie et Production n. 3,
Vol. 20, No. 8-9, August - September, pp. 111-126; p. 112.
The age of
simulation
"[A]n economy-wide picture still seems in the far future. My guess is
that the age of theorems may be passing and that of simulation is
approaching. Of course there will always be logical matters to sort
out, and our present expertise will not be totally obsolete. But the
task which we set ourselves after the last war, to deduce all that was
required from a number of axioms, has almost been completed, and while
not worthless has only made a small contribution to our understanding."
Frank Hahn, one of the architects of general equilibrium
theory,
in Hahn, F.H., (1994) "An Intellectual Retrospect", Banca Nazionale del Lavoro
Quarterly Review,
Vol. 47, No. 190, September, pp. 245-258; p. 258.
Complex
systmes theory takes
distribution seriously
"[C]omplex systems theory departs in a fundamental way from
neoclassical economics in indicating that the distribution of income
and wealth is important in coming to an understanding of how an
economic system works."
John Foster in Foster, J., (2005) "From Simplistic to
Complex
Systems in
Economics", Cambridge
Journal of
Economics, Vol. 29, No. 6, November, pp. 873-892; p. 888.
The
implications of the
second-best
"[T]here is a well-known Lipsey-Lancaster theorem which says that when
an economy is not in a first-best optimum, say because of taxes or
tariffs, there is no way of distinguishing a third-best from a
second-best situation, and no way of telling whether a given change
takes us nearer or further away from the first-best optimum. This
theorem is widely acknowledged in all the textbooks and yet this has
done nothing to displace the notion that perfect competition is an
ideal that somehow casts light on the admittedly imperfect competition
all around us."
Economic methodologist Mark Blaug in Blaug, M., (2002)
"Ugly
Currents in Modern Economics", In Fact
and Fiction in Economics: Models,
Realism, and Social Construction ed. Mäki, U.; Cambridge
University Press, Cambridge, New York & Melbourne, pp. 35-56;
p.
38. referring to: Lipsey, R.G. and Lancaster, K., (1956-1957) "The
General Theory of Second Best", Review
of Economic Studies, Vol. 24, No. 1, pp. 11-32.
Still modelling without
transaction
costs?
"[W]hile consideration of what would happen in a world of zero
transaction costs can give us valuable insights, these insights are, in
my view, without value except as steps on the way to the analysis of
the real world of positive transaction costs. We do not do well to
devote ourselves to a detailed study of the world of zero transaction
costs, like augurs divining the future by the minute inspection of the
entrails of a goose."
Nobel Prize winning economist Ronald Coase in Coase, R.H.,
(1981) "The Coase Theorem and the Empty Core: A Comment", Journal of Law and Economics,
Vol.
24, No. 1, April, pp. 183-187; p. 187.
Did
neoclassical economic
theory
address the real questions?
"[W]e have seen economists abandoning attempts to understand the
central question of our subject, namely: how do decentralised choices
interact and perhaps get coordinated [?] in favour of a theory
according to which an economy is to be understood as the outcome of the
maximisation of a representative agent’s utility over an infinite
future … Apart from purely theoretical objections it is clear that this
sort of thing heralds the decadence of endeavour just as clearly as
Trajan’s column heralded the decadence of Rome. It is the last twitch
of a dying method. It rescues rational choice by ignoring every one of
the questions pressing for attention."
Frank Hahn in Hahn, F.H., (1991) "The Next Hundred Years",
Economic Journal, Vol. 101, No. 404, January, pp. 47-50; p. 49.
On
the gap between economic theory and
the real world, from a Nobel Laureate
"I think the
textbooks are a
scandal. I
think to expose young impressionable minds to this scholastic exercise
as
though it said something about the real world, is a scandal. The most
widely
used textbooks use the old long-run and short-run cost curves to
illustrate the
theory of the firm. I find that inexcusable. … I don’t know of any
other
science that purports to be talking about real world phenomena, where
statements are regularly made that are blatantly contrary to fact."
Nobel Prize-winning
economist Herbert Simon,
H.A., (1986) "The Failure of Armchair Economics", Challenge,
Vol. 29, No. 5, November - December, pp. 18-25; p. 23
We
need to
study the economy as a system
"What I think is
important is
that economists don’t study the working of the economic system. That is
to say, they don’t think they’re studying any system with all its
interrelationships. It is as if a biologist studied the circulation of
the blood without the body. … You wouldn’t be able to discuss the
circulation of the blood in a sensible way. And that’s what happens in
economics. In fact the economic system is extremely complicated.
… But how one part impinges on the other, how they are
interrelated, how it actually works – that is not what people study.
What is wrong is the failure to look at the system as the object of
study."
Nobel Prize winning economist Ronald Coase in Coase, R.H., (2002)
"Why Economics Will Change: Remarks at the University of Missouri,
Columbia, Missouri, April 4, 2002", ISNIE
Newsletter, Vol. 4, No. 1, Summer, pp. 1, 4-7.
Back
to Quotes Topics
The
Sonnenschein-Mantel-Debreu (SMD) Results
The
implications of the Sonnenschein-Mantel-Debreu (SMD) results
"The impact of SMD theory is quite general … Its
chief
implication … is that the hypothesis of individual rationality, and the
other assumptions made at the micro-level, gives no guidance to an
analysis of macro-level phenomena: the assumption of rationality or
utility maximization is not enough to talk about social regularities.
This is a significant conclusion and brings the microfoundations
project in GET [General Equilibrium Theory] to an end. Of course, if
one does not want to look for regularities at the macro level, the SMD
results pose no problem; but every theorist who wants to argue that a
change in some price variable … affects a corresponding quantity
aggregate in a definite direction, cannot base this argument on GET."
S. Abu Turab Rizvi in Rizvi, S.A.T., (1994) "The Microfoundations
Project in General
Equilibrium Theory", Cambridge
Journal of Economics, Vol. 18, No. 4, August, pp. 357-377.
The
SMD results refer to:
- Sonnenschein,
H.F.,
(1972) "Market Excess Demand Functions", Econometrica, Vol.
40, No. 3, May,
pp. 549-563.
- Sonnenschein,
H.F.,
(1973) "Do Walras' Identity and Continuity Characterize the Class of
Community Excess Demand Functions?" Journal
of Economic Theory, Vol. 6, No. 4, August, pp. 345-354.
- Mantel,
R.R., (1974)
"On the Characterization of Aggregate Excess Demand", Journal of Economic Theory,
Vol. 7,
No. 3, March, pp. 348–353.
- Mantel,
R.R., (1976)
"Homothetic Preferences and Community Excess Demand Functions", Journal of Economic Theory,
Vol.
12, No. 2, April, pp. 197-201.
- Debreu,
G., (1974)
"Excess Demand Functions", Journal
of Mathematical Economics, Vol. 1, No. 1, March, pp.
15–23.
The
implications of the SMD results for the
general equilibrium model
"The full force of the Sonnenschein, Mantel, Debreu result is often not
appreciated. They show that standard and restrictive assumptions on the
preferences of individuals cannot guarantee stability. Yet without
this, the intrinsic interest of economic analysis based on the General
Equilibrium model is extremely limited."
Alan Kirman in Kirman, A.P., (2004b) "General Equilibrium", In Cognitive Economics: An
Interdisciplinary
Approach ed. Bourgine, P. and Nadal, J.-P.;
Springer-Verlag,
Berlin, Heidelberg & New York, pp. 33-53; p. 47.
As early as 1982, the Handbook of Mathematical Economics explained the
implications of the SMD results
"The importance of the [SMD] results is clear: strong
restrictions
are needed in order to justify the hypothesis that a market demand
function has the characteristics of a consumer demand function. Only in
special cases can an economy be expected to act as an ‘idealized
consumer’. The utility hypothesis tells us nothing about market demand
unless it is augmented by additional requirements."
Wayne Shafer & Hugo Sonnenschein in Shafer, W. and
Sonnenschein,
H.F., (1982) "Market Demand and Excess
Demand Functions", In Handbook
of
Mathematical Economics ed. Arrow, K.J. and Intriligator,
M.D.;
North-Holland, Amsterdam, Vol. II pp. 671-693.
One famous economist
confessed to his
temptation to ignore the SMD results
"When I read in the seventies the publications of Sonnenschein, Mantel
and Debreu on the structure of the excess demand function of an
exchange economy, I was deeply consternated. Up to that time I had the
naïve illusion that the microeconomic foundation of the general
equilibrium model, which I had admired so much, does not only allow us
to prove that the models and the concept of equilibrium are logically
consistent, but also allows us to show that the equilibrium is well
determined. This illusion, or should I say rather, this hope, was
destroyed once and for all, at least for the traditional model of
exchange economies. I was tempted to repress this insight and continue
to find satisfaction in proving existence of equilibrium for more
general models under still weaker assumptions. However, I did not
succeed in repressing the newly gained insight because I believe that a
theory of economic equilibrium is incomplete if the equilibrium is not
well determined."
Werner Hildenbrand in Hildenbrand, W., (1994) Market Demand: Theory and
Empirical
Evidence, Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ, x +
205 pp.
The impact of the SMD results on the supposed link between rationality
at the individual and aggregate levels
"In the aggregate, the hypothesis of rational behaviour has
in
general no implications; that is, for any set of aggregate excess
demand functions, there is a choice of preference maps and of
individual endowments, one for each individual in the economy, whose
maximization implies the given excess demand functions."
Nobel Prize winning economist Ken Arrow in Arrow, K.J., (1987)
"Economic Theory and the Hypothesis of Rationality", In The New Palgrave: A Dictionary
of Economics
ed. Eatwell, J., Milgate, M. and Newman, P.; MacMillan Press, London;
Stockton Press, New York & Maruzen Company, Tokyo, Vol. 2 pp.
69-75; p. 70. Reprinted from Journal of Business, 1986, Vol. 59, No. 4,
Pt. 2.
The blunt assessment of
the
implications of the SMD results by the lead author of a popular
graduate microeconomics textbook
"[B]ut for the obvious restrictions, (e.g. Walras Law)
literally
anything can be the excess demand of a well-behaved exchange economy."
Andreu Mas-Collel in Mas-Colell, A., (1989) "Capital Theory Paradoxes:
Anything Goes", In Joan
Robinson and
Modern Economic Theory ed. Feiwel, G.R.; New York
University
Press, New York, pp. 505-520; p. 506.
The SMD
results have very serious
implications for the dynamics of general equilibrium models
"[I]n general, the excess demand functions only satisfy Walras’ Law!
Consequently, all forms of chaotic behaviour can occur, but even a
single locally stable equilibrium need not! Much more is possible. With
the same preferences and just by changing initial endowments, the price
dynamics can jump from any specified kind of behaviour to any other
kind."
Mathematician Don Saari in Saari, D.G., (1996) "The Ease of Generating
Chaotic Behavior in Economics", Chaos,
Solitons & Fractals, Vol. 7, No. 12, December, pp.
2267-2278; p. 2274.
The
implications of the SMD
results for the dynamics of general equilibrium models
"[A]lmost any continuous pattern of price movements can occur in a
general equilibrium model, so long as the number of consumers is at
least as great as the number of commodities. Cycles of any length,
chaos, or anything else you can describe, will arise in a general
equilibrium model for some set of consumer preferences and initial
endowments. Not only does general equilibrium fail to be reliably
stable; its dynamics can be as bad as you want them to be."
Frank Ackerman in Ackerman, F., (2002) "Still Dead after All These
Years: Interpreting the Failure of General Equilibrium Theory", Journal of Economic Methodology,
Vol. 9, No. 2, June, pp. 119-139.
Back
to Quotes Topics
The
Pitfalls of Aggregation
The
choice of levels of
aggregation is a vital but
much-neglected area of model building
"[A] major part of the value-theoretical content of a
macromodel will often be hidden in the aggregates from which the
explicit
analysis starts. … we habitually concentrate on making those
assumptions
explicit which specify the relationships between the variables actually
appearing in the model. The immediately antecedent stage in
model-construction,
i.e. the selection of aggregates, is often the stage where implicit
theorizing
enters in. The behavioral assumptions underlying a particular mode of
aggregation are, however, just as important as the behavioral
relationships
assumed to hold between the variables defined. The first type of
assumption is
often left implicit and particular aggregative structures are thus left
to
develop into undisputed conventions while at the same time
controversies rage
over the second type of assumption."
Axel Leijonhufvud
in: Leijonhufvud, A., (1968) On Keynesian Economics and the
Economics of
Keynes, Oxford University Press, New York & London,
xiv + 431
pp; p. 141.
How economists forgot about
aggregation problems
"I have this feeling … that the Cambridge U.K. side won the debate with
Cambridge U.S., but somehow afterwards all the difficulties with
aggregate capital and its use in an aggregate production function were
just swept under the rug by modern macroeconomists."
Alan Kirman in Petri, F. and Hahn, F., (2003) "General
Equilibrium: Problems, Prospects and Alternatives - Final Discussion",
In General Equilibrium:
Problems and
Prospects ed. Petri, F. and Hahn, F.; Routledge, London
&
New York, pp. 486-520; p. 494.
Aggregation again
"[I]n the presence of non-linearities, it is almost impossible to
perform mathematical aggregation from the microeconomic to the
macroeconomic level…"
John Foster in Foster, J., (1998) "Abstraction in
Economics:
Incorporating the Time Dimension", International
Journal of Social Economics, Vol. 25, No. 2-4, pp.
146-167; p.
158.
Representative agents?
"[A]ggregate behaviour is not the behaviour of a representative
individual and trying to test models based on this idea leads to
erroneous conclusions. Such an idea is so familiar to physicists and
biologists that it seems banal. Nevertheless it is still far from being
generally accepted in economics."
Alan Kirman in Kirman, A.P., (2004a) "Economics and
Complexity",
In Industry and Labor
Dynamics: The
Agent-Based Computational Approach, Proceedings of the
Wild@Ace2003 Workshop, Torino, Italy, 3-4 October, 2003 ed. Leombruni,
R. and Richiardi, M.; World Scientific, Singapore, Hackensack, NJ
&
London, pp. 3-21; pp. 5-6.
Aggregate capital?
"There is nearly universal agreement that aggregate capital considered
as a factor in an aggregate production function exists only under
extraordinarily special circumstances. This is a technical result long
ago proved by myself, Gorman, and others. Nevertheless, the
implications of that result do not always seem to have been fully
realised. One of those implications, in particular, is that if one
attempts to use aggregate capital as though it were a factor in a
production function, there will be a paradox somewhere, something will
go wrong. One cannot depend on any intuition that comes from
considering aggregate relationships as production functions. …
[However] … Neoclassical general equilibrium theory does not require
the existence of aggregate capital as a factor in an aggregate
production function."
Frank Fisher in Petri, F. and Hahn, F., (2003) "General
Equilibrium: Problems, Prospects and Alternatives - Final Discussion",
In General Equilibrium:
Problems and
Prospects ed. Petri, F. and Hahn, F.; Routledge, London
&
New York, pp. 486-520; p. 498.
Why using representative
agents is
inadequate for a complex system
"The standard approach to modern macroeconomics is that, provided we
start with sound micro-foundations, we need not be concerned with the
problem of aggregation as such. Reducing an economy to “representative
agents” enables us to move smoothly between the micro- and macro-level.
In fact, this is illegitimate and leads to false conclusions about
macro-behaviour (see e.g. Kirman, 1993). As Frank Hahn points out in
this volume, the situation is far from being simple. There are
feedbacks from aggregate variables to individual behaviour which cannot
and should not be overlooked. Furthermore, the behaviour of an
interactive system cannot be reduced to the behaviour of its average
member. Thus, the general equilibrium model in full generality is
nothing more than an extreme case and to deduce macroeconomic
relationships from it is an exercise which is doomed to failure."
Alan Kirman in Kirman, A.P., (2003) "General Equilibrium:
Problems, Prospects and Alternatives: An Attempt at Synthesis", In
General Equilibrium: Problems and Prospects ed. Petri, F. and Hahn, F.;
Routledge, London & New York, pp. 468-485; p. 470.
Heterogeneity matters
"You can simulate a model with a few actors and pretend that
it is
realistic, but there is nothing in casual observation or empirical data
or economic theory that suggests that such a stance is valid. … The
conditions under which one can ignore a great deal of the evidence of
individual heterogeneity are so severe as to make them patently
unrealistic. … The practice of ignoring or closeting aggregation
problems as “just too hard” is no longer appropriate."
Richard Blundell & Thomas Stoker in Blundell, R. and Stoker,
T.M.,
(2005) "Heterogeneity and Aggregation", Journal of Economic Literature,
Vol. 43, No. 2, June, pp. 347-391.
Aggregate production functions
require
extraordinarily stringent conditions to hold
"[T]he conditions under which the production possibilities of a
technologically diverse economy can be represented by an aggregate
production function are far too stringent to be believable."
Franklin Fisher in Fisher, F.M., (1971a) "Aggregate
Production
Functions and the Explanation of Wages: A Simulation Experiment", Review of Economics and
Statistics,
Vol. 53, No. 4, November, pp. 305-325; p. 305.
Many commonly used
aggregates have
very questionable theoretical foundations
"[T]he analytic use of such aggregates as ‘capital’, ‘output’, ‘labour’
or ‘investment’ as though the production side of the economy could be
treated as a single firm is without sound foundation. This has not
discouraged macroeconomists from continuing to work in such terms."
Franklin Fisher in Fisher, F.M., (1987) "Aggregation
Problem",
In The New Palgrave: A
Dictionary of
Economics
ed. Eatwell, J., Milgate, M. and Newman, P.; Macmillan Press, London;
Stockton Press, New York & Maruzen Company, Tokyo, Vol. 1, pp.
53-55; p. 55.
Some commonly used
aggregates cannot
be meaningfully defined
A reasonable interpretation of this work is that aggregate production
functions – and other aggregate quantities such as capital, investment
and ‘the’ input of labour – cannot be meaningfully defined in any
circumstances that might apply to a real-world economy. This must also
be true of ‘the’ marginal products and ‘the’ elasticity of
substitution. Put simply, they do not exist. … Overall the critique has
some force. It deserves to be more widely known …
Jonathan Temple in Temple, J., (2006) "Aggregate
Production
Functions and Growth
Economics", International
Review of
Applied Economics, Vol. 20, No. 3, July, pp. 301–317; pp.
302
& 307.
Back
to Quotes Topics
Total
Factor Productivity (TFP)
TFP calculations rely on
prior
assumptions about the production function
One of the fundamental difficulties with TFP estimations is that, "it
is impossible to calculate the technological ‘residual’ without taking
a stand on the form of the underlying production function (and its
change over time)."
Dani Rodrik in Rodrik, D., (1998) "TFPG Controversies,
Institutions and Economic Performance in East Asia", In The Institutional Foundations of
East
Asian Economic Development: Proceedings of the IEA Conference held in
Tokyo, Japan ed.
Hayami, Y. and Aoki, M.; St. Martin's Press & Macmillan in
association with International Economic Association, New York &
Basingstoke, pp. 79-101; p. 79.
The notion of TFP has
major
theoretical problems
"[T]the theoretical problems underlying the notion of TFP are so
significant that the whole concept should be seriously questioned."
Jesus Felipe in Felipe, J., (1999) "Total Factor
Productivity
Growth in East Asia: A Critical Survey", Journal of Development Studies,
Vol. 35, No. 4, April, pp. 1-41; p. 1.
Just because a statistical agency
publishes
data doesn't mean it's sound
"There may be a tendency among students new to this area to think that
because the Bureau of Labor Statistics publishes data on multifactor
productivity, this accounting device is as unproblematic as, say,
value-added accounting for national income, when in fact it is heavily
dependent upon the hypothesis of an aggregate neoclassical production
function with specific neoclassical features."
Duncan Foley & Thomas Michl in Foley, D.K. and
Michl, T.R.,
(2001) "Comment: The Production
Function and Productivity", Journal
of Economic Perspectives, Vol. 15, No. 3, Summer, pp.
257-258;
p. 257.
Back
to Quotes Topics
Perfect
Competition
Perfect
competition - when is
'economics' not really economics?
"In my view the perfect competition simplification has had rather
disastrous effects on macro-economics. This is particularly true when
it comes to the labour market where setting the money wage is
equivalent to setting the product wage. While I could not resist the
ease of perfect competition theorising, I think that I never took the
results as applicable economics."
Frank Hahn, one of the architects of general equilibrium
theory,
in Hahn, F.H., (1994) "An Intellectual Retrospect", Banca Nazionale del Lavoro
Quarterly Review,
Vol. 47, No. 190, September, pp. 245-258; p. 252.
On the gap between
idealised models of perfect
competition and the real world
"Perfect competition never did exist and
never could exist because even when firms are small, they do not just
take the
price as given but strive to make the price. All current textbooks say
as much
but then they immediately go on to say that the cloud-cuckoo-land of
perfect
competition is the benchmark against which economists may say something
significant about real world competition … But how can an idealized
state of
perfection be a benchmark when we are never told how to measure the gap
between
it and real-world competition? It is implied that all real-world
competition is
“approximately” like perfect competition, but the degree of the
approximation
is never specified, even vaguely."
Economic
methodologist Mark Blaug in Blaug,
M.,
(2002) "Ugly Currents in Modern
Economics", In Fact and Fiction in
Economics: Models,
Realism,
and Social Construction ed. Mäki,
U.;
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, New York & Melbourne,
pp.
35-56.
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to Quotes Topics
Equilibrium &
General Equilibrium Theory
General
equilibrium theory
undergirds
computable general equilibrium (CGE) models
"[W]hen we consider general equilibrium models, it is clear that a
central part of the overall warrant of the models is the confidence
that we have in the approximate truth of general equilibrium theory. If
we were to doubt this theory, then we would have no reason whatsoever
to rely on CGE models."
Daniel Little in Little, D., (1995) "Economic Models in
Development Economics",
In On the Reliability
of Economic
Models: Essays in the Philosophy of Economics ed. Little,
D.;
Kluwer Academic Publishers, Boston, Dordrecht & London, pp.
243-270; p. 260.
On the
competitive equilibrium
theory
as a foundation for applied economics
"I do not in any way mean to denigrate the intellectual excellence of
neowalrasian proofs of competitive equilibrium; I intend only to
suggest that this work is more accurately categorized as set-theoretic
logic than economics. … I find no logical flaw in any aspect of
Arrow-Debreu theory; I argue, however, that as a foundation for applied
economics, Arrow-Debreu theory is empirically vacuous and conceptually
incoherent."
Robert Clower in Clower, R.W., (1995) "Axiomatics in
Economics",
Southern Economic Journal, Vol. 62, No. 2, October, pp. 307-319; p. 317.
General
equilibrium gives a misleading impression of
economic
forces
"My basic objection to the theory of general
equilibrium is
not that it is abstract; … but that it starts from the wrong kind of
abstraction and therefore … it gives a misleading impression of the
nature and the manner of operation of economic forces."
Nicholas Kaldor in Kaldor,
N., (1975)
"What Is Wrong with Economic Theory", Quarterly
Journal of Economics, Vol. 89, No. 3, August, pp. 347-357;
p.
348.
On
the gap between what economists know and what is taught
"[E]conomists
…
consistently choose
textbooks that teach material that they know is false and/or completely
out of
date. … there’s still this incredible tension in what we teach. I am so
displeased at the way undergraduate and even graduate economics is
taught.
Undergraduate economics is a joke – macro is okay, but micro is a joke
because
they teach this stuff you know is not true. They know the general
equilibrium
model is not true. The model has no good stability properties and it
doesn’t
predict anything interesting but they teach it. The production theory
that is
taught is also a joke. They use this old Marshallian production with
long-run
average cost curves and the like to determine firm size. This doesn’t
determine
firm size; it determines plant size. Totally different things determine
firm
size. So why do we teach undergraduates this?"
Herbert
Gintis, emeritus professor at
the
University of Massachusetts and author of Game Theory Evolving in:
Colander,
D., Holt, R.P.F. and Rosser, J.B., Jr., (2004) The Changing
Face of
Economics: Conversations with Cutting Edge Economists, University
of Michigan
Press, Ann Arbor, x + 358 pp; pp. 92-93.
Timeless
equilibria?
"[I]t is obvious that the passage of time is essential to give the
concept of equilibrium any meaning. This deserves mention since many
economists appear to have been unable to find a place for time in
equilibrium analysis and consequently have suggested that equilibrium
must be conceived as timeless. This seems to me to be a meaningless
statement."
Nobel Prize winning economist Friedrich Hayek in Hayek,
F.A., (1937) "Economics and Knowledge", Economica, Vol. 4,
No. 13,
February, pp. 33-54; pp. 36-37.
Is equilibrium meaningful
in the
presence of increasing returns?
"[T]he counter forces which are continually defeating the
forces
which make for economic equilibrium are more pervasive and more deeply
rooted than we commonly realize. … The whole issue, as Young said [p.
535], is whether an “equilibrium of costs and advantages” is a
meaningful notion in the presence of increasing returns. When
every
change in the use of resources – every reorganization of production
activities – creates an opportunity for a further change which would
not have existed otherwise, the notion of an ‘optimum’ allocation of
resources … becomes a meaningless and contradictory notion: the pattern
of the use of resources at any one time can be no more than a link in
the chain of an unending sequence and the very distinction, vital to
equilibrium economics, between resource-creation and resource
allocation loses its validity."
Nicholas Kaldor in Kaldor, N., (1972) "The Irrelevance of Equilibrium
Economics", Economic
Journal,
Vol. 82, No. 328, December, pp. 1237-1255; p. 1245. Referring to:
Young, A., (1928) "Increasing Returns and Economic Progress", Economic Journal,
Vol. 38, pp.
527-542.
The danger of the unseen
influence of
equilibrium economics on policy recommendations
"The achievements of economic theory in the last two decades
are
both impressive and in many ways beautiful. But it cannot be denied
that there is something scandalous about the spectacle of so many
people refining the analyses of economic states which they give no
reason to suppose will ever, or have ever, come about. It is probably
also dangerous. Equilibrium economics, because of its well known
welfare economics implication, is easily convertible into an apologia
for existing economic arrangements and it is frequently so converted."
Frank Hahn, one of the architects of general equilibrium theory, in
Hahn, F.H., (1970) "Some Adjustment Problems", Econometrica, Vol.
38, No. 1,
January, pp. 1-17; p. 1.
Proofs of equilibrium are
essentially
tautological
"In the usual presentations of equilibrium analysis, it is
generally made to appear as if these questions of how the equilibrium
comes about were solved. But … these apparent demonstrations amount to
no more than the apparent proof of what is already assumed. … the whole
economic system must be assumed to be one perfect market in which
everybody knows everything. The assumption of the perfect market then
means nothing less than that all the members of the community, even if
they are not supposed to be strictly omniscient, are at least supposed
to know automatically all that is relevant for their decisions. … The
statement that, if people know everything, they are in equilibrium is
true simply because that is how we define equilibrium."
Nobel Prize winning economist Friedrich
Hayek in Hayek,
F.A., (1937) "Economics and Knowledge", Economica, Vol. 4,
No. 13,
February, pp. 33-54; pp. 44-45.
General equilibrium
theory &
production
"General equilibrium theory has remarkably little to say about
production. Our definition of technologies and profit maximisation seem
to me in no way to capture the reality of firms. … Adding production
actually adds force to the Sonnenschein-Mantel-Debreu problem.
Furthermore, efforts to add more realism by introducing increasing
returns … have met with little success … we need extremely restrictive
assumptions on production to obtain existence in infinite dimensional
economies. Thus, in standard theory, production is not only trivial but
also somewhat troublesome."
Alan Kirman in Kirman, A.P., (2003) "General Equilibrium:
Problems, Prospects and Alternatives: An Attempt at Synthesis", In General Equilibrium: Problems
and Prospects
ed. Petri, F. and Hahn, F.; Routledge, London & New York, pp.
468-485; pp. 474-5
Back
to Quotes Topics
Disequilibrium and
Approaching Equilibrium
Disequilibrium
models are needed for an adequate theory of value
"[D]ynamic, disequilibrium analysis is always required if we are truly
to have a satisfactory theory of value. Certainly, if the economy does
not spend most of its time near equilibrium, disequilibrium analysis is
the only useful kind. … multiplicity of equilibria is the rule rather
than the exception … [and] … the analysis of disequilibrium shows that
the dynamic behaviour involved often changes the equilibrium that is
eventually reached."
Frank Fisher in Fisher, F.M., (2003) "Disequilibrium and
Stability", In General
Equilibrium:
Problems and Prospects ed. Petri, F. and Hahn, F.;
Routledge,
London & New York, pp. 74-94; p. 75.
The
super-invisible hand
"[T]he proposition that, in certain circumstances, there is a set of
prices which ensures equality between demand and supply in all markets
tells us nothing of whether these prices will indeed be established by
a market economy. On this central question neither economic theory nor
evidence is at all satisfactory. … I want to stress what a significant
lacuna this represents and how dangerously it can be ignored by policy
advocates. Seeing our ignorance, a number of Chicago and other
economists have decided that the best way to proceed is to pretend that
it isn’t really there. … they simply assume that the invisible hand
performs its task instantaneously and, as it were, super-invisibly."
Frank Hahn, one of the architects of general equilibrium
theory,
in Hahn, F.H., (1982) "Reflections on the
Invisible
Hand", Lloyds Bank Review, No. 144, April, pp. 1-21; p. 13.
Is there
really a 'tendency'
towards
'equilibrium'?
"I am afraid I am now getting to a stage where it becomes
exceedingly
difficult to say what exactly are the assumptions on the basis of which
we assert that there will be a tendency towards equilibrium, and to
claim that our analysis has an application to the real world. I cannot
pretend that I have as yet got much further on this point."
Nobel prize winning economist Friedrich Hayek in Hayek,
F.A.,
(1937) "Economics and Knowledge", Economica,
Vol. 4, No. 13, February, pp. 33-54.
The most striking failure
of general
equilibrium theory?
"Perhaps, the most striking failure of general equilibrium theory,
particularly in its purest form, has been that of establishing any
tendency towards an equilibrium. … My impression is that those most
involved in the formalisation of general equilibrium theory were far
from convinced that there was any sort of natural stability. Indeed,
Gerard Debreu never skated on this thin ice whilst many of his
distinguished contemporaries such as Frank Hahn, Takashi Negishi, Ken
Arrow and Leo Hurwicz ventured into the analysis of the problem without
much success in the end."
Alan Kirman in Kirman, A.P., (2003) "General Equilibrium:
Problems, Prospects and Alternatives: An Attempt at Synthesis", In General Equilibrium: Problems
and Prospects
ed. Petri, F. and Hahn, F.; Routledge, London & New York, pp.
468-485; p. 473.
'Equilibrium' implies 'disequilibrium' to have any meaning
"Certainly, there is a sense in which the disequilibrium behaviour of
any given system can be represented as the equilibrium behaviour of a
larger system in which the original one is embedded. To say this,
however, is only to say that there is some definite outcome
out-of-equilibrium in the smaller system. To insist that therefore
there is no such thing as disequilibrium is to rob the term
“equilibrium” and all equilibrium analysis of meaning. For if
“equilibrium” is to be a useful concept in analyzing a particular
system, then one must contemplate the possibility of points that are
not equilibria of that system. The fact that such points can be
represented as equilibria in some larger system does not change this."
Franklin Fisher in Fisher, F.M., (2003) "Disequilibrium
and
Stability", In General
Equilibrium:
Problems and Prospects
ed. Petri, F. and Hahn, F.; Routledge, London & New York, pp.
74-94; p. 76.
How can equilibrium be
established?
"How can equilibrium be established? The attainment of equilibrium
requires a disequilibrium process. What does rational behaviour mean in
the presence of disequilibrium? Do individuals speculate on the
equilibrating process? If they do, can the disequilibrium be regarded
as, in some sense, a higher-order equilibrium process? Since no one has
market power, no one sets prices; yet they are set and changed. There
are no good answers to these questions, and I do not pursue them."
Nobel Prize winning economist Ken Arrow in Arrow, K.J.,
(1987)
"Economic Theory and the Hypothesis of Rationality", In The New Palgrave: A Dictionary
of Economics
ed. Eatwell, J., Milgate, M. and Newman, P.; Macmillan Press, London;
Stockton Press, New York & Maruzen Company, Tokyo, Vol. 2, pp.
69-75; p. 70. Reprinted from Journal of Business, 1986, Vol. 59, No. 4,
Pt. 2.
How
to agents behave out of
equilibrium when their
plans are frustrated?
"[T]he very power and elegance of equilibrium analysis often
obscures the fact that it rests on a very uncertain foundation. We have
no similarly elegant theory of what happens out of equilibrium, or how
agents behave when their plans are frustrated. As a result we have no
rigorous basis for believing that equilibria can be achieved or
maintained if disturbed."
Franklin Fisher in Fisher,
F.M., (1987)
"Adjustment Processes and Stability", In The New Palgrave: A Dictionary
of
Economics ed.
Eatwell, J., Milgate, M. and Newman, P.; MacMillan Press, London;
Stockton Press, New York & Maruzen Company, Tokyo, Vol. 1, pp.
26-29; p. 26.
How does adjustment take
place when
plans are frustrated?
We need "detailed analysis of how disequilibrium adjustment
takes
place when plans are frustrated. Equilibrium techniques will not
succeed here, and new modes of analysis are needed if equilibrium
economic theory is to have a satisfactory foundation."
Franklin Fisher in Fisher,
F.M., (1987)
"Adjustment Processes and Stability", In The New Palgrave: A Dictionary
of Economics
ed. Eatwell, J., Milgate, M. and Newman, P.; MacMillan Press, London;
Stockton Press, New York & Maruzen Company, Tokyo, Vol. 1, pp.
26-29; p. 28.
We
do not actually know
how the price system really works
"I think that stability and disequilibrium
dynamics is the
principal unsolved problem of economic theory. … We do not actually
know how the price system really works in time."
Franklin Fisher in Fisher,
F.M., (1989)
"Stability Analysis in Micro and Macro Theory: An Interview", In Joan Robinson and Modern
Economic Theory
ed. Feiwel, G.R.; New York University Press, New York, pp. 311-322; p.
313.
Will agents in
disequilibrium push the
system towards equilibrium?
"[I]f you have an economy
characterized by sensible
agents
(possibly rational agents) who understand that they are in
disequilibrium and take advantage of arbitrage opportunities, is it or
is it not true that the actions of those agents will push the economy
towards an equilibrium? … that is the central question because all of
economic theory (at least all of microeconomic theory) presumes that
the answer to that question is yes."
Franklin Fisher in Fisher,
F.M., (1989)
"Stability Analysis in Micro and Macro Theory: An Interview", In Joan Robinson and Modern
Economic Theory
ed. Feiwel, G.R.; New York University Press, New York, pp. 311-322; p.
313.
Tâtonnement?
"Tâtonnement
stability
requires extremely strong
special
assumptions. This has extremely important implications. Indeed, it is
not too strong to say that the entire theory of value is at stake. If
stability requires trading (or production or consumption) to take place
before equilibrium is reached, then the adjustment process itself
changes the givens of the equilibrium problem (the endowments of agents
for example). This makes the set of equilibria also change in the
course of adjustment, so that the equilibrium finally reached (assuming
stability) differs from that computed by algorithms taking the initial
situation as fixed. Moreover, comparative statics will miscompute the
effects of a displacement of equilibrium, for the equilibrium reached
will depend on the adjustment process and not merely on the
displacement itself. While such effects may be small, they are
certainly not known to be small. The argument that they are likely to
be negligible because prices adjust much faster than quantities is
unconvincing. The limiting case of such relative speeds of adjustment
is tâtonnement and is known to lack general convergence
properties."
Franklin Fisher in Fisher,
F.M., (1987)
"Adjustment Processes and Stability", In The New Palgrave: A Dictionary
of Economics
ed. Eatwell, J., Milgate, M. and Newman, P.; MacMillan Press, London;
Stockton Press, New York & Maruzen Company, Tokyo, Vol. 1, pp.
26-29; p. 27.
There is a gaping hole in
the center
of what economists know - what happens out of equilibrium
"[T]here is a tendency to confuse the view that if one is not at an
equilibrium, one will not stay where one is, with the view that one
must approach equilibrium – and that is a quite different and much
harder proposition. … there is a big gaping hole in the center of what
economists know, namely, the question of what happens out of
equilibrium and whether we ever get close to equilibrium. … most of
what we do depends on assuming that it is not a problem. And we really
have very little basis for that."
Franklin Fisher in Fisher, F.M., (1989) "Stability
Analysis in
Micro and Macro Theory: An Interview", In Joan Robinson and Modern
Economic Theory
ed. Feiwel, G.R.; New York University Press, New York, pp. 311-322; p.
320.
Convergence to an
equilibrium requires
infinite information - Walrasian equilibrium is really a static notion
"In showing that our standard assumptions on individual preferences in
no way restrict the form of aggregate excess demand … [the
Sonnenschein-Mantel-Debreu results] … also showed that without very
different assumptions there is no hope for stability. … the results of
Saari and Simon (1978) show that if one is to guarantee convergence to
equilibrium from any initial prices, then one needs an infinite amount
of information. … Walrasian equilibrium is really a static notion and
we have little to say about “The Invisible Hand Process”."
Alan Kirman in Kirman, A.P., (2003) "General Equilibrium:
Problems, Prospects and Alternatives: An Attempt at Synthesis", In General Equilibrium: Problems
and
Prospects ed.
Petri, F. and Hahn, F.; Routledge, London & New York, pp.
468-485;
p. 473. Referring to: Saari, D.G. and Simon, C.P., (1978) "Effective
Price Mechanisms", Econometrica,
Vol. 46, No. 5, September, pp. 1097-1125.
The 'invisible hand' must
operate in disequilibrium
"To understand the workings of the “Invisible Hand” it is
not
enough to understand what the world looks like when the “Invisible
Hand” has nothing to do. The present state of general equilibrium
theory must therefore be regarded as unsatisfactory or incomplete when
it comes to the provision of a positive theory of value."
Franklin Fisher in Fisher,
F.M., (2003)
"Disequilibrium and Stability", In General
Equilibrium: Problems and Prospects ed. Petri, F. and
Hahn, F.;
Routledge, London & New York, pp. 74-94; p. 91.
General
equilibrium theory does not have enough structure to provide a
framework to
establish the stability of equilibrium under standard adjustment
processes
"Despite the intensive and often justified
criticism to
which it has been subjected, the general equilibrium model provides the
underpinning for most modern economic reasoning. … Analysis of the
model, culminating in the work of Sonnenschein (1972), Mantel (1974),
and Debreu (1974), has shown that it does not have enough structure to
provide a framework to establish the stability of equilibrium under
standard adjustment processes. All the weight of this book, therefore
is put on the characteristics of the equilibrium states of the economy,
and none on how those equilibria are achieved."
Alan Kirman in Kirman, A.P., (1998) "Introduction", In Elements of General Equilibrium
Analysis
ed. Kirman, A.P.; Blackwell Publishers, Oxford, pp. 1-9; p. 1.
Development
happens out of
equilibrium
"Development in our sense is a distinct phenomenon, entirely
foreign to what may be observed in the circular flow or in the tendency
towards equilibrium. It is spontaneous and discontinuous change in the
channels of the flow, disturbance of equilibrium, which forever alters
and displaces the equilibrium state previously existing."
Joseph Schumpeter in Schumpeter, J.A., (1934) The Theory of Economic
Development: An
Enquiry into Profits, Capital, Credit, Interest and the Business Cycle,
Transaction Publishers reprint, 1983, New Brunswick NJ &
London;
originally published by Harvard University Press, trans. from the 2nd
German edition of 1926 by Redvers Opie, lxiv + 255 pp; p. 64.
Development often takes
place in
discontinuous qualitative jumps, unsuited to the methods of equilibrium
analysis
"[W]hat we are about to consider is that kind of change
arising
from within the system which
so
displaces its equilibrium point that the new one cannot be reached from
the old one by infinitesimal steps. Add successively as
many
mail coaches as you please, you will never get a railway thereby."
Joseph Schumpeter in Schumpeter,
J.A.,
(1934) The Theory of Economic Development: An Enquiry into Profits,
Capital, Credit, Interest and the Business Cycle, Transaction
Publishers reprint, 1983, New Brunswick NJ & London; originally
published by Harvard University Press, trans. from the 2nd German
edition of 1926 by Redvers Opie, lxiv + 255 pp; p. 64, footnote 1.
Emphasis in original.
Ruling out disequilibrium and
non-optimal
paths by definition in the modelling leads to policy based on circular
reasoning
"[I]t cannot be that I am alone in believing that these
authors
have “simplified” economics away so that very many – perhaps most – of
the problems which have engaged our subject cannot even be considered
with this simplification. … Having modelled an economy as following an
optimum path, they then announce as a separate discovery that public
policy cannot improve it!"
Frank Hahn, one of the
architects of general
equilibrium theory,
in Hahn, F.H., (1994) "An Intellectual Retrospect", Banca Nazionale del Lavoro
Quarterly Review,
Vol. 47, No. 190, September, pp. 245-258; p. 258.
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Multiple
Equilibria
Multiple equilibria are
inevitable in
remotely realistic analytic models
"What we now know … is that multiple equilibria cannot be ruled out
except by extremely strong and unjustifiable assumptions about
individual preferences and technologies or by making assumptions about
the distribution of characteristics. This last approach moves away from
the basic tradition of general equilibrium theory, which was to make
assumptions only about individual characteristics, not about their
distribution."
Alan Kirman in Kirman, A.P., (1998) "Introduction", In Elements of General Equilibrium
Analysis
ed. Kirman, A.P.; Blackwell Publishers, Oxford, pp. 1-9; p. 4
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Comparing Equilibria vs
Modelling Disequilibrium Dynamics
Confusion between
comparative
equilibria versus a dynamic evolutionary process of accumulation
"The long wrangle about “measuring capital” has been a great deal of
fuss over a secondary question. The real source of trouble is the
confusion between comparisons of equilibrium positions and the history
of a process of accumulation."
Joan Robinson in Robinson, J. (1974) "History versus
Equilibrium", Indian
Economic Journal,
Vol. 21, No. 3, January - March, pp. 202-213; p. 211.
It
is not
legitimate to introduce an event into a system of simultaneous equations
"It is not legitimate to introduce an event
into a system
of simultaneous equations. On a two-dimensional diagram, time lies at
right angles to the plane on which the diagram is drawn, with the past
behind it and the future in front. Suppose that [an] economy has been
living through history on a path passing through one equilibrium point
and that, at some date, a change in taste occurs. Then the pattern is
no longer one of equilibrium. A change in the pattern of production
must involve investment and disinvestment, at least in work in
progress, and windfall losses and gains on stocks that have become
inappropriate. To say how long it will take, or by what path, to find a
new equilibrium we have to fill in a whole story about the behaviour of
the economy when it is out of equilibrium, including the effect of
disappointed expectations on decisions being taken by its inhabitants."
Joan Robinson in Robinson, J. (1974) "History versus Equilibrium", Indian Economic Journal,
Vol. 21,
No. 3, January - March, pp. 202-213; p. 206.
Snapshots of equilibria
don't
constitute a process of
accumulation in historical time
"Let us suppose that we can take a number of still
photographs of
economies each in stationary equilibrium; … This is an allowable
thought experiment. But it is not allowable to flip the stills through
a projector to obtain a moving picture of a process of accumulation."
Joan Robinson in Robinson, J. (1974) "History versus Equilibrium", Indian Economic Journal,
Vol. 21,
No. 3, January - March, pp. 202-213; p. 211-212.
We
have no satisfactory
axiomatic foundation for a theory of disequilibrium adjustment
"The conclusion of the ensuing survey will be
this: a great
deal of skilled and sophisticated work has gone into the study of
processes by which an economy could attain an equilibrium. Some of the
(mainly) technical work will surely remain valuable in the future. But
the whole subject has a distressing ad
hoc aspect. There is at present no satisfactory axiomatic
foundation on which to build a theory of learning, of adjusting to
errors and of delay times in each of these. It may be that in some
intrinsic sense such a theory is impossible. But without it this branch
of the subject can aspire to no more than the study of a series of
suggestive examples."
Frank Hahn, one of the architects of general equilibrium
theory,
in Hahn, F.H., (1982) "Stability", In Handbook
of Mathematical Economics ed. Arrow, K.J. and
Intriligator,
M.D.; North-Holland, Amsterdam, Vol. II pp. 745-793; p. 747.
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Comparative
Statics
The upshot of all this?
Comparative
statics is a dodgy methodology
"When trade takes place out-of-equilibrium (and
even more
when disequilibrium production and consumption occur), the very
adjustment process alters the equilibrium set. This is easily seen even
within the simplest model of pure exchange. In such as model, the
equilibrium prices and allocations depend on endowments. If trade takes
place out-of-equilibrium, those endowments change. Hence, even if the
trading process is globally stable, the equilibrium reached will
generally not be one of those corresponding to the initial endowments
in the static sense of Walras correspondence. Rather the equilibrium
reached will be path-dependent, dependent on the dynamics of the
process taking place in disequilibrium. … the principal tool of
equilibrium analysis – comparative statics – is called into question.
Displacement of equilibrium will not be followed by convergence to the
new equilibrium implied by comparative statics. Rather it will be
followed by a dynamic adjustment process which, if stable, generally
converges to a different equilibrium. … Out-of-equilibrium effects may,
of course, be small. But we have no reason to believe that they are."
Franklin Fisher in Fisher, F.M., (2003) "Disequilibrium and Stability",
In General Equilibrium:
Problems and
Prospects ed. Petri, F. and Hahn, F.; Routledge, London
&
New York, pp. 74-94; pp. 79-80.
Comparative
statics presumes a
unique equilibrium
"Consider an economist working with an applied general
equilibrium
model. This economist starts by calibrating, or statistically fitting,
the parameters of the model so that it has an equilibrium that
replicates transactions observed in the data. He or she then changes
some of the parameters to simulate a change in policy, and computes an
equilibrium to the perturbed model. The economist then uses the changes
in the values of variables from the initial equilibrium to the new one
as an indication of the changes that he or she would expect to see in
the corresponding variables in the economy if the simulated policy
change were to occur. This is the comparative statics method. If there
is more than one possible equilibrium after the parameter change, the
method becomes problematic. … As we shall see, useful conditions that
guarantee the uniqueness of equilibrium are very restrictive."
Timothy Kehoe in Kehoe, T.J., (1998) "Uniqueness and Stability", In Elements of General Equilibrium
Analysis
ed. Kirman, A.P.; Blackwell Publishers, Oxford, pp. 38-87.
On the implications of the
SMD results
for uniqueness and stability, and hence for the method of comparative
statics
"While the existence of equilibrium is guaranteed, under
rather
general conditions, nothing can be said about uniqueness or stability.
These are not technical problems. Without uniqueness, comparative
statics exercises, the economist’s standard tool for examining the
consequences of change, are meaningless. Without stability, and
therefore no guarantee that an economy out of equilibrium will move to
one, the interest of the equilibrium concept itself is put into
question."
Alan Kirman in Kirman, A.P., (1999) "Interaction and Markets", In Beyond the Representative Agent
ed.
Gallegati, M. and Kirman, A.P.; Edward Elgar, Cheltenham, UK &
Northampton, MA, pp. 1-44; p. 3.
Comparative
statics
rests
on very, very shaky ground
"[E]verything we know about stability says that
one cannot
get stability out of a dynamic system where only prices change. One
gets stability where trade takes place out of equilibrium. And, if
trade takes place out of equilibrium, it means that the place to which
the economy goes, given initial conditions, is not the place to which
static equilibrium theory would predict the economy would go. What that
means in more general terms is that comparative statics – a major tool
of static equilibrium theory – is on very, very shaky ground."
Franklin Fisher in Fisher, F.M., (1989)
"Stability
Analysis in Micro and Macro Theory: An Interview", In Joan Robinson and Modern
Economic Theory
ed. Feiwel, G.R.; New York University Press, New York, pp. 311-322; p.
317.
The root of the problem?
"Orthodox economists have exhibited a long-standing
confusion
between process optimisation in historical time and logical
optimisation in commodity space."
John Foster in Foster, J., (1998) "Abstraction in Economics:
Incorporating the Time Dimension", International
Journal of Social Economics, Vol. 25, No. 2-4, pp.
146-167; pp.
162-163.
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Imperfect
Information
The need
for models with
imperfect information has long been recognised
"Certainly it is now widely agreed that it is undesirable to have an
equilibrium notion in which information is as perfect and as costless
as it is in Arrow-Debreu."
Frank Hahn, one of the architects of general equilibrium
theory,
in Hahn, F.H., (1974) "On the Notion of
Equilibrium
in Economics", Inaugural
Lecture,
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge; Reprinted in Hahn, F.H., (1984)
Equilibrium and Macroeconomics, Basil Blackwell, Oxford, pp. 43-71; p.
53.
Economics
in the real world
"There is not a complete set of markets; information is
imperfect;
the commodities sold in any market are not homogeneous in all relevant
respects; it is costly to ascertain differences among the items;
individuals do not get paid on a piece rate basis; and there is an
element of insurance (implicit or explicit) in almost all contractual
arrangements, in labor, capital and product markets. In virtually all
markets there are important instances of signalling and screening.
Individuals must search for the commodities they wish to purchase,
firms must search for the workers who they wish to hire, and workers
must search for the firm for which they wish to work. We frequently
arrive at a store only to find that it is out of inventory; or at other
times we arrive to find a queue waiting to be served. Each of these
“small” instances, but their cumulative effects may indeed be large. We
have constructed a model which shows that in all of these
circumstances, Pareto improvements can be affected through government
policies, such as commodity taxes."
Bruce Greenwald & Nobel Prize winner Joseph Stiglitz in
Greenwald,
B.C. and Stiglitz, J.E., (1986) "Externalities in Economies
with Imperfect Information and Incomplete Markets", Quarterly Journal of Economics,
Vol. 101, No. 2, May, pp. 229-264; pp. 259-260
Information
and the
acquisition of knowledge is critical for establishing causation in
real-world economics
"[M]y main contention will be that the tautologies, of which
formal equilibrium analysis in economics essentially consists, can be
turned into propositions which tell us anything about causation in the
real world only in so far as we are able to fill those formal
propositions with definite statements about how knowledge is acquired
and communicated."
Nobel Prize winning economist Friedrich
Hayek in Hayek,
F.A., (1937) "Economics and Knowledge", Economica, Vol. 4,
No. 13,
February, pp. 33-54; p. 33.
Markets don't necessarily
clear if
information is imperfect
"[T]he notion that underlay much of competitive equilibrium
analysis – that markets had to clear – was simply not true if
information was imperfect."
Joseph Stiglitz in his Nobel Lecture, published as Stiglitz, J.E.,
(2002) "Information and the Change in the Paradigm in Economics", American Economic Review,
Vol. 92,
No. 3, June, pp. 460-501; p. 464.
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Uncertainty
Genuine uncertainty is
different from
quantifiable risk
"By “uncertain” knowledge, let me explain, I do not mean merely to
distinguish what is known for certain from what is only probable. The
game of roulette is not subject, in this sense, to uncertainty; nor is
the prospect of a Victory bond being drawn. Or, again, the expectation
of life is only slightly uncertain. Even the weather is only moderately
uncertain. The sense in which I am using the term is that in which the
prospect of a European war is uncertain, or the price of copper and the
rate of interest twenty years hence, or the obsolescence of a new
invention, or the position of private wealth owners in the social
system in 1970. About these matters there is no scientific basis on
which to form any calculable probability whatsoever. We simply do not
know."
John Maynard Keynes in Keynes, J.M., (1937b) "The General Theory of
Employment", Quarterly
Journal of
Economics, Vol. 51, No. 2, February, pp. 209-223; pp.
213-214.
Genuine
uncertainty means
intertemporal decisions can't be coordinated
"The Rational Expectations hypothesis substitutes an internal and
psychic hand for the market. Each individual somehow has learned how
the invisible hand would have performed if it had been given markets in
which to perform. If it is agreed that this is not of high descriptive
merit, there is, in fact, no obvious mechanism by which inter-temporal
decisions can be coordinated. This was Keynes’s view and I have yet to
see it refuted."
Frank Hahn, one of the architects of general
equilibrium
theory, in Hahn, F.H., (1982) "Reflections
on the
Invisible Hand", Lloyds
Bank Review,
No. 144, April,
pp. 1-21; p. 12.
Genuine uncertainty leads
to
instability in expecatations & investment and hence unemployment
"Fundamental uncertainty is seen as implying the possibility
of
long-run unemployment, even in a world of perfect competition and fully
flexible prices and wages. Uncertainty leads to liquidity preference
and the non-neutrality of money in the long run. Most importantly,
uncertainty and the associated instability of expectations is seen as
underpinning the instability of investment, which in turn is the main
key to more general macroeconomic stability."
Barkley Rosser in Rosser, J.B., Jr., (2001) "Alternative Keynesian and
Post Keynesian Perspectives on Uncertainty and Expectations", Journal of Post Keynesian
Economics,
Vol. 23, No. 4, Summer, pp. 545-566; p. 560.
Dynamic Stochastic General
Equilibrium
(DSGE) models no longer assume perfect information, having adding
stochastic risk, but agents remain dynamic optimisers subject to
rational expectations. But reducing uncertainty to stochastic
risk of known probabilities abstracts away an essential feature of our
economic system.
"Not only does it assume that everyone somehow converges on
the
same theory of the world, but the theory on which they are supposed to
converge treats all uncertainty as merely exogenous risk with known
probabilities. It is a theory that succeeds in taming the uncertain
future merely by assuming that uncertainty is already tame."
Perry Mehrling in Mehrling, P., (2006) "The Problem of Time in the DSGE
Model and the Post Walrasian Alternative", In Post Walrasian Macroeconomics:
Beyond the
Dynamic Stochastic General Equilibrium Model ed. Colander,
D.;
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 70-79; p. 77.
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Incomplete
Markets
The incompleteness of
markets has
far-reaching implications
"The postulate of complete markets now implies, for instance, that
there is given to the individual terms on which he can trade butter in
Warwick tomorrow if cold, for bread in Warwick today when it is hot.
That is, every good, as defined, has a price and so a market on which
it is traded. The postulate is wildly at variance with the facts … but
the postulate is crucial for some of the claims made on behalf of the
invisible hand and its rejection has far-reaching consequences."
Frank Hahn, one of the architects of general
equilibrium
theory, in
Hahn, F.H., (1982) "Reflections on the Invisible Hand", Lloyds Bank Review,
No. 144, April,
pp. 1-21; p. 3.
A complete general
equilibrium system
requires complete markets
"A complete general equilibrium system, as in Debreu (1959),
requires markets for all contingencies in all future periods. Such a
system could not exist. First, the number of prices would be so great
that the search would become an insuperable obstacle ... Second,
markets conditional on privately observed events cannot exist by
definition. In any case, we certainly know that many – in fact, most –
markets do not exist. When a market does not exist, there is a gap in
the information relevant to an individual’s decision, and it must be
filled by some kind of conjecture, just as in the case of market power."
Nobel Prize winning economist Ken Arrow in
Arrow, K.J., (1987) "Economic Theory and the Hypothesis of
Rationality", In The
New Palgrave: A
Dictionary of Economics ed. Eatwell, J., Milgate, M. and
Newman,
P.; Macmillan Press, London; Stockton Press, New York & Maruzen
Company, Tokyo, Vol. 2, pp. 69-75; p. 72. Reprinted from Journal of
Business,
1986, Vol. 59, No. 4, Pt. 2.
The field
formalism of general
equilibrium theory requires that every product, every agent, every
place and every time is connected to every other through complete
markets. However ...
"[A] field does not describe the geometry of economic space."
Jason Potts in Potts, J., (2000) The
New Evolutionary Microeconomics: Complexity, Competence and Adaptive
Behaviour, New Horizons in Institutional and Evolutionary
Economics; Edward Elgar, Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA, xii + 239
pp; p. 43.
Acknowledging incomplete
markets
changes everything
"First, the usual continuity and convexity assumptions are
not
sufficient to ensure the existence of equilibrium. Secondly, an
equilibrium may be Pareto-dominated by another allocation which can be
achieved using the same markets. We have also seen that if we
start off in a situation where markets are incomplete, opening new
markets may make things worse rather than better. In this respect, an
economy with incomplete markets is like a typical second best
situation. Only if all imperfections are removed, that is, in this case
all markets are opened, can we be sure that there will be any overall
improvement."
Hart, O., (1975) "On the Optimality of Equilibrium then the Market
Structure is Incomplete", Journal
of
Economic Theory, Vol. 11, No. 3, December, pp. 418-443; p.
442.
So-called GEI (General Equilibrium Incomplete) models routinely produce
multiple equilibria
"[T]he existence of a continuum of equilibria seems to be
characteristic of many models with incomplete markets. Extensive
non-uniqueness in this sense means that the theory has relatively
little power."
Nobel Prize winning economist Ken Arrow in
Arrow, K.J., (1987) "Economic Theory and the Hypothesis of
Rationality", In The
New Palgrave: A
Dictionary of Economics ed. Eatwell, J., Milgate, M. and
Newman, P.; MacMillan Press, London; Stockton Press, New York &
Maruzen Company, Tokyo, Vol. 2 pp. 69-75; p. 73. Reprinted from Journal
of
Business, 1986, Vol. 59, No. 4, Pt. 2.
Sequential
trading in incomplete
market models can make the problem of multiple equilibria worse
"[A]s in the Arrow-Debreu model, multiplicity of equilibria seems to be
the rule rather than the exception. With sequential trading however,
this is an even more serious weakness of the model than it already is
in the Arrow-Debreu model."
Thorsten Hens in Hens, T., (1998) "Incomplete Markets", In Elements of General Equilibrium
Analysis
ed. Kirman, A.P.; Blackwell Publishers, Oxford, pp. 139-210; p. 144.
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What kind of Mathematics?
Not all core assumptions
are made
explicit
"[T]he notion that commodities exhibit a natural isomorphism
to a
real Euclidean vector space is the most deeply rooted unobtrusive
postulate in modern economic theory."
Phil Mirowski in Mirowski, P., (1991) "The When, the How and the Why of
Mathematical Expression in the History of Economic Analysis", Journal of Economic Perspectives,
Vol. 5, No. 1, Winter, pp. 145-157; p. 153.
Real analysis isn't the
only kind of
mathematics - and may not be the most appropriate for the integer
problems of economics
"[S]et theory is only one of at least four sub-branches of
mathematical logic; the others being: proof theory, recursion theory
and model theory. Loosely speaking, but not entirely inaccurately, it
is possible to associate one particular class of numbers with each of
these sub-branches of logic: real numbers, constructive numbers,
computable numbers and non-standard numbers, respectively. Analogously,
each of these forms the subject matter of: real analysis, constructive
analysis, computable analysis and non-standard analysis. Which of these
numbers and, hence, which kind of analysis, is appropriate for economic
analysis is almost never discussed in any form or forum of mathematical
economics or mathematics in economics. It is taken for granted that
real numbers and its handmaiden, real analysis, is the default domain.
Why?"
Vela Velupillai in Velupillai, K.V., (2005) "The Unreasonable
Ineffectiveness of Mathematics in Economics", Cambridge Journal of Economics,
Vol. 29, No. 6, November, pp. 849-872; p. 856.
An integer linear
programming problem
can't be solved by simply calculating as if it were defined over the
reals and then rounding off the results.
An integer linear programming "cannot, except for flukes, be solved by
rounding the solution to the ‘corresponding’ linear programming (LP)
problem … deciding whether it can be rounded – is just as hard as the
original satisfiability problem."
Vela Velupillai in Velupillai,
K.V., (2004) "A
Primer on the Tools and Concepts of Computable Economics",
Discussion Paper No. 5, Universita' Degli Studi Di Trento -
Dipartimento Di Economia, 20 July, 49 pp.
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Consumer
Preferences
Preferences aren't exogenous to
the economy
"Modern economics assumes that exogenous consumer
preferences
interact with ‘technologies’ and initial endowments to produce
equilibrium prices and production levels. This analysis falls apart if
preferences are themselves influenced by the very equilibrium states
that they are presumed to create. Indeed, in the domain of economic
decision-making, the most salient and potentially powerful anchors may
well be the public parameters of the economy itself: the relative
prices and scarcities of different commodities. … If prices and other
economic parameters function as public anchors, then consumer tastes no
longer exist independently of prices but are endogenous to the economy.
In that case, the equilibrium price and production levels of the
economy are no longer uniquely determined by its physical and human
resources and characteristics. Rather, a certain price level may
prevail because of collective anchoring, triggered by historical
accidents or manipulations."
Dan Ariely, George Loewenstein & Drazen Prelec in Ariely, D.,
Loewenstein, G. and Prelec, D., (2006) "Tom Sawyer and the
Construction of Value", Journal
of
Economic Behavior & Organization, Vol. 60, No. 1,
May, pp.
1-10; pp. 9-10.
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The Rationality &
Computational Capacities of Economic Agents
Curious indeed
"We have the curious situation that scientific
analysis
imputes scientific behaviour to its subjects."
Nobel Prize winning economist
Ken Arrow in
Arrow, K.J., (1987) "Economic Theory and the Hypothesis of
Rationality", In The
New Palgrave: A
Dictionary of Economics ed. Eatwell, J., Milgate, M. and
Newman,
P.; Macmillan Press, London; Stockton Press, New York & Maruzen
Company, Tokyo, Vol. 2, pp. 69-75; p. 71. Reprinted from Journal of
Business,
1986, Vol. 59, No. 4, Pt. 2.
Without the assumption of
infinite
computational capacity, Arrow-Debreu general equilibrium breaks down
once an element of uncertainty is introduced
"The Arrow-Debreu world is strained
to the limit by
the problem of the choice of information. It breaks down completely in
the face of limits on the ability of agents to compute optimal
strategies."
Radner, R., (1968)
"Competitive Equilibrium
Under Uncertainty", Econometrica,
Vol. 36, No. 1,
January, pp. 31-58.
Information processing takes time
"Heterogeneity is closely tied to information and how
information
is diffused through the system. And it is also tied to individuals’
limited capacity to process information. This is where complexity
theory comes in. The original problems were complex enough, but now
you’re adding in multiple additional levels of complexity to the point
where it is beyond any real analytic capability. Time also fits in here
… even if you have a very simple information processing theory, you
have a problem that the information has to be processed, and that takes
time."
Nobel Prize winning economist Ken Arrow in Colander, D., Holt, R.P.F.
and Rosser, J.B., Jr., (2004) The
Changing Face of Economics: Conversations with Cutting Edge Economists,
University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, x + 358 pp; p. 301.
Why more
choice isn't always an
unambiguous good
"Decision making itself is costly."
Nobel Prize winning economist James Tobin in Tobin, J., (1980) "Are New
Classical Models Plausible Enough to Guide Policy?" Journal of Money, Credit and
Banking,
Vol. 12, No. 4, Part 2, November, pp. 788-799; p. 796.
Bounded
rationality has big
implications for the abilities of economic agents to optimize
'[B]ounded rationality cannot be thought of as rationality with costly
information processing. The optimal solution to the problem of deciding
optimal information processing can be a harder problem than information
processing alone."
Nobel Prize winning economist Ken Arrow in
Colander, D.,
Holt, R.P.F. and Rosser, J.B., Jr., (2004) The Changing Face of Economics:
Conversations with Cutting Edge Economists, University of
Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, x + 358 pp; p. 301.
Mathematicians aren't
impressed with
economists' visions of perfectly rational optimizing agents
"[F]rom a mathematician’s point of view, the foundations of
neoclassical economics are hopelessly non-effective computationally and
therefore must be considered irrational from the standpoint of
computational viability once we leave the discrete, finite
combinatorial domain … where compactness exists but not convexivity."
Alan Lewis in Lewis, A.A., (1985) "On Effectively Computable
Realizations of Choice Functions", Mathematical
Social Science, Vol. 10, No. 1, August, pp. 43-80; p. 46.
Real-world
human errors should be
taken into account in policy analysis
"The possibilities that
15-year-olds, err in
becoming
tobacco addicts or that 25-year-olds err in borrowing heavily on their
credit cards or that 35-year-olds err in too wildly playing the stock
market with their retirement savings all strike us as profoundly
plausible and of great policy relevance. It therefore seems to us that
policy analysis that incorporates the substantive insights and
methodological rigors of economics, while being more realistic about
the nature of errors people make, should be enthusiastically and
quickly embraced."
Ted O'Donoghue & Matthew Rabin in O'Donoghue, T. and Rabin, M.,
(2003) "Studying Optimal Paternalism,
Illustrated by a Model of Sin Taxes", American
Economic Review, Vol. 93, No. 2, May, pp. 186-191; p. 191.
People are perfectly
rational all the
time?
"[N]europsychiatric conditions are the most important causes
of
disability, accounting for more than 37 percent of YLDs [Years Lived
with a Disability] … among adults ages 15 and over. The disabling
burden of neuropsychiatric conditions is almost the same for males and
females, but the major contributing causes are different. While
depression is the leading cause for both males and females, the burden
of depression is 50 percent higher for females than for males, and
females also have a higher burden from anxiety disorders, migraine, and
senile dementias. In contrast, the male burden for alcohol and drug use
disorders is nearly six times higher than that for females and accounts
for one-quarter of the male neuropsychiatric burden."
Lopez, A., Mathers, C., Ezzati, M., Jamison, D. and Murray, C. (Eds.),
(2006) Global Burden of
Disease and
Risk Factors, Oxford University Press and the World Bank,
Washington DC, xxix + 475 pp.; p. 85.
Do deviations from the
assumption of
perfect rationality matter for economic analysis? Yes.
"[S]mall deviations from rationality can have first-order
consequences in microeconomic analysis. … the conclusions usually
derived from models with strict maximising behavior are not
very
robust."
George Akerlof & Janet Yellen in Akerlof, G.A. and Yellen, J.,
(1985) "Can Small Deviations from
Rationality Make Significant Differences to Economic Equilibria?" American Economic Review,
Vol. 75,
No. 4, September, pp. 708-720; p. 708.
Relatively
few occurrences of
individual irrationality can have large aggregate effects
"[A] small amount of individual irrationality
can have
large aggregate effects under strategic complementarity whereas a small
share of rational individuals may generate an aggregate outcome close
to rational prediction under strategic substitutability. Thus the
presumption that individual irrationality does not matter for the
aggregate outcome of social interactions can be either true or false,
which suggests three general lessons for economists. First, economists
should routinely ask themselves which forms of irrational behaviour
might play a role in the situations they analyze, instead of assuming
full rationality of all agents. … Second, we suspect that in many cases
economic models should assume that players differ in their degree of
rationality … Third, whether the rational or irrational players
dominate the aggregate outcome depends on the strategic environment. In
particular it is likely to depend on whether strategic substitutability
or complementarity prevails. … Thus there is little reason to assume
that economic forces generally render individual irrationalities
unimportant."
Ernst Fehr & Jean-Robert Tyran in Fehr, E. and Tyran, J.-R.,
(2005)
"Individual Irrationality and
Aggregate Outcomes", Journal
of
Economic Perspectives, Vol. 19, No. 4, Fall, pp. 43-66; p.
63.
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Increasing
Returns
Increasing
returns aren't just
about technical production specifications
"What Young saw so clearly was that increasing returns create a
reciprocal dependence in rates of technical progress within and between
activities. This is not only a matter of what the modern student would
label ‘spillovers’, but rather a question of the fruits of innovation
in one sector raising per capita incomes and this influencing output
growth and the accumulation of knowledge in other sectors."
John Foster & Stanley Metcalse in Foster, J.
and Metcalfe, J.S., (2001) "Modern Evolutionary Economic Perspectives:
An Overview", In Frontiers
of
Evolutionary Economics: Competition, Self-Organization and Innovation
Policy ed. Foster, J. and Metcalfe, J.S.; Edward Elgar,
Cheltenham, UK & Northampton, MA, pp. 1-16; p. 13. Referring
to:
Young, A., (1928) "Increasing Returns and Economic Progress", Economic Journal,
Vol. 38, pp.
527-542.
Can we ignore scale
economies and
imperfect competition?
"As a now extensive body of applied research demonstrates,
these
linkages can easily dominate in sign and/or magnitude the production
and welfare effects estimated under the perfect competition paradigm. …
At a minimum it is clear that the constant returns, perfect competition
paradigm suppresses a number of potentially powerful mechanisms linking
trade policy with industry performance."
Joseph Francois & David Roland-Holst in Francois, J.F. and
Roland-Holst, D.W., (1997) "Scale Economies and
Imperfect Competition", In Applied
Methods for Trade Policy Analysis: A Handbook ed.
Francois, J.F.
and Reinert, K.A.; Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 331-363;
pp. 360-361.
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Links
African
Economic
Research Consortium
Centre for
Policy Development - "A new
public interest think tank dedicated to promoting alternative voices in
Australia's public debate."
Dani
Rodrik's
blog Dani Rodrik is one of
the most sensible international economists.
Initiative for
Policy
Dialogue at Columbia University -
set up by Joseph Stiglitz.
Inomics
is a useful site
for economists with email alerts on jobs and conferences, among other
things.
John Quiggin's blog.
"Commentary
on Australian & world events from a social-democratic
perspective."
Martin
Wolf's
columns in London's Financial
Times,
are always worth reading, particularly now that there is also a regular
forum
where experts are
invited to comment.
Nouriel
Roubini -
A highly respected commentator focussing mainly on macroeconomics and
finance.
Post-Autistic
Economics Network -
For a critical view of some aspects of modern economics.
Steve
Keen's site.
Steve has
generously uploaded an
enormous amount of lecture material on both the history of economic
thought and complex
dynamic systems modelling. He also maintains a very useful blog
on Australian debt
levels.
The Other
Canon -
"Reality and Production based economics".
Reserve
Bank of Australia
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Last
updated: 17 March 2008
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